CHAPTER NINE: GENDER IN MUSLIM SOCIETIES

Zumilah Zainalaludin & Ali Lohemousavi

9.0    Introduction

The challenge is simple. There is no observable difference between men and women regarding the compulsory levels in Islam. Neither men nor women have any excuse for not performing the five pillars of Islam to fulfil the basic requirements of Muslims. Instead of the negative perception of Islam and Muslims regarding gender equality and equity issues, there are some pieces of evidence that Syara’s law is gender sensitive. For example, additional regulation in Hajj (the fifth pillars) for women stipulates that she must have accompaniment in order to travel around (mahram or husband or trusted female friends or female friends within the family) for her safety and self-honour. If a woman does not have any company, then she doesn't need to perform Hajj. In addition, the way for women to dress during Hajj is more lenient than men’s. For men, they have to dress only in seamless fabrics during the ihram (duration of performing the Hajj ritual (manasik) period. The concept of dress in Islam is aurah (parts of the body that have to be covered depending on whom s/he will meet). The aurah of man and woman is different and the aurah in ihram is as if s/he will meet fe/males whom are non-family members (ajnabi)as well as perform prayer and Hajj ritual (manasik).Islam has clear guidelines for what man and woman’s roles in certain areas like marriage and divorce (munakahat), maintenance (nafkah) how to dress up (aurah), how to socialise (mahram, fitnah), how to distribute estate (farraid), respect to elders and parents, and especially respecting mother over father), etc. The issue of mahram and aurah is the issue of gender equity as clearly explained by Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W.) in his last sermon,

...O’ People, it is true that you have certain rights with regard to your women, but they also have rights over you. Remember that you have taken them as your wives only under a trust from God and with His permission. If they abide by your right then to them belongs the right to be fed and clothed in kindness. Do treat your women well and be kind to them for they are your partners and committed helpers. And it is your right that they do not make friends with any one of whom you do not approve, as well as never to be unchaste….

Prophet Muhammad’s Last Sermon

Gender equity is the fair treatment of men and women (adil). For example, to give a shirt as a gift for two close friends. One friend is XS and the other is XXXL in size. The XS size of friend's favourite colour is yellow and the other one is blue. The XXXL size of shirt is more expensive than XS size and blue colour is more expensive than yellow colour. Equity in this case means they get the shirts according to their sizes and favourite colours even though the XXXL size of one friend is more expensive. If somehow, we want to be equal in this case as fairness for both friends and choose XS size of blue shirt for both (we perceive that this is equal and fair), but the XXXL size of one friend will not fit him/her. The XS size of the other friend would not be his/her favourite colour which is yellow.

However, there are areas with no difference between men and women (gender equality). For example, the right to learn and receive knowledge, to gain and pool wealth, etc. have absolute gender equality. More specifically, there are no differences at all between man and woman on the six pillars of faith (belief in Allah, the angels, messengers, the four books – Al Qur’an, The Gospel, The Torah, and Psalms, Judgement Day i.e., hereafter, and Allah’s provision bestowed on man). Also, there are no differences between man and woman on ihsanor akhlak (doing good or good attitude). All Muslims have to have faith in all the five faith pillars and in fact, compulsorily perform them. This is gender equality as ordained by the religion.

9.1    Emergent Misunderstanding of Gender Equity and Equality

There is a great misunderstanding, however. Gender equity and equality questions in Muslim countries are seen as suppression against women. This has been the cold war between defenders and attackers of the religion of Islam. The cold war is not new. It has been on for long. on various scores. “Cold War literary studies has been steadily gaining momentum in recent years” (Binti Ahmad 2022: p. 309). In many Muslim countries, the legal status and social positions of women are often seen as unfavourable within the common perception. The prescribed role of women in Islamic theology and law is frequently cited as a significant factor contributing to their negative status. This limited perspective portrays women primarily as wives and mothers, emphasising gender segregation as a defining characteristic.

For example, many believe that in Islam, men’s role as economic providers relegates women’s status to that of marriage and reproduction. Barren women and spinsters are wrongly perceived as having low status in Islam. Another point raised by critics is that men, but not women, have the unilateral right to divorce and practice polygamy. Furthermore, women may be expected to seek permission or be accompanied by their guardian or trusted companions when working or travelling, which is believed to uphold family honour and maintain a positive reputation. Most of the time, all negative consequences or shameful endings in a family rest squarely on the women's family members.

Muslim societies are often characterised by higher average fertility rates, higher average mortality rates, and rapid population growth. The age of marriage has a significant impact on fertility levels. In recent years, an average of 34% of all brides in Muslim countries have been under the age of 20. Additionally, the average number of children per woman in Muslim nations is reported to be six. These factors contribute to the higher fertility rates and population growth observed in many Muslim societies.

Interestingly, it is observed that unmarried women contribute less to social and moral disturbances. Consequently, early marriage and childbearing might be seen as a means of social control. However, it is important to note that Muslim countries in the Middle East and South Asia also exhibit significant gender disparities in literacy and education, as well as low rates of female labour force participation. This suggests a correlation between high fertility rates, low literacy rates, and limited female participation in the labour force, all of which are associated with the lower status of women. These patterns are often attributed to the influence of Islamic law and norms prevalent in these societies.

These assertions need to be critically examined as they oversimplify the complex dynamics at play. The perception of women solely as wives and mothers is not exclusive to Islamic theology but can be found in other religious and symbolic systems as well. Orthodox Jewish law, for instance, shares similarities with Islamic law in areas such as marriage and divorce.

Furthermore, the demographic patterns mentioned, including high fertility rates, are not unique to Muslim countries. Sub-Saharan African countries, for example, also experience high fertility rates. Similarly, the issue of early marriage is not limited to Muslim societies, as instances of child marriage can be found in various regions worldwide.

Moreover, social issues such as high maternal mortality rates and gender imbalances in sex ratios are not confined to Muslim areas. Female infanticide, for instance, has been documented in non-Muslim regions like northern India and rural China. The low status of women is influenced more by patriarchal kinship structures than by religion itself. Regions in West and South Asia, characterised by strong patriarchal systems, often exhibit significant gender disparities in healthcare access and food availability, leading to higher mortality rates among women.

It is crucial to recognise that adherence to Islamic principles and the application of Islamic legal codes vary across different Muslim countries. Countries like Tunisia and Turkey, for instance, have formal secular states, while Iran has direct clerical rule. Women's legal and social positions also differ significantly, as seen in variations in fertility rates, education, and employment among females. Tunisia, for example, has widespread contraceptive use and a higher average age of marriage, while Turkey shows considerable female participation in high-status occupations.

Moreover, gender relations in Muslim societies are influenced by various factors such as state ideology, economic development, industrialisation, urbanisation, and integration into the global system. Governments motivated by ideologies like Marxism and socialism, as seen in Afghanistan and South Yemen, have taken steps to reduce gender inequality and enhance women's rights. Similarly, Muslim-majority regions outside the core Muslim world, such as Soviet Central Asia and Bosnia Herzegovina, have made progress in socioeconomic indicators.

To attribute gender subordination solely to Islam is methodologically flawed, as it exaggerates the influence of religion and portrays it as unchanging. While it is true that gender inequality in its most severe forms may claim religious justification, it is essential to consider the complexities of societal changes and challenges to traditional patriarchal structures that contribute to the rise of fundamentalist movements.

It is worth noting that gender disparities and discrimination against women are not specific to Islam, and they cannot be solely attributed to the religion. However, in countries like Iran, Pakistan, and Egypt, the reintroduction of Islamic legislation, including family law, has been justified using religious arguments.

The struggle for gender equality faces significant obstacles in societies where religion holds a privileged position and a broader discourse of equality is lacking. In countries like Iran, tensions arise between ideological purity, societal changes, cultural prescriptions, and economic imperatives. Nevertheless, it is important to recognise that the gender system in Muslim societies has both continuities and breaks with the past, influenced by factors such as education, employment disparities, and evolving cultural and ideological contexts.

In conclusion, the status of women in Muslim societies is shaped by a complex interplay of structures, ideology, institutions, and historical trends. While some gender inequalities may have religious justifications, it is necessary to consider a range of factors including socioeconomic development, state ideology, and cultural dynamics to gain a comprehensive understanding of gender dynamics in these societies.

On average, women constitute 31% of the student population in higher education across various levels. In Iran, there are 40 universities listed in the Statistical Yearbook, including one all-male seminary and one all-female seminary. However, the only institutions where women's enrolment equals or exceeds that of men are the public health and medical schools. Admission to university remains highly competitive for both men and women, and it has remained difficult since the Revolution.

The fields with the largest number of female university students are health and medicine, teacher training, humanities, and the natural sciences. Engineering, on the other hand, is more popular among male students. Officially, reasons cited for the gender disparities in certain fields include limited university capacity, perceived lack of job prospects for women in those fields, and the idea that women are deemed too emotional for law faculties.

To be eligible for government scholarships to study abroad, women must be married and accompanied by their husbands. It is important to note that in the summer of 1989, quotas for women in many disciplines were removed. However, the female population is stratified, with some women having access to high school and university education while others do not. Under strict Islamic rule, all women can be considered second-class citizens, but the experience of gender inequality varies among women of different social classes. Women's choices and opportunities are significantly influenced by their position in the social class structure.

In developing countries like Iran, access to education is largely determined by social class and family income. However, when the female share of the literate or educated population is disproportionately low, gender bias becomes a significant explanatory factor. Rural women, in particular, are often overlooked or assumed to be homemakers in tabulations and census data. The Iranian census, for example, categorises 11 million Iranian women as homemakers, thus disregarding their educational and occupational roles.

9.2    Implication of Gender Gap

Gender differences, stemming from the social construction of biological sex distinctions, represent significant divisions within societies. These differences create boundaries among various groups of people that determine the distribution of power, authority, and resources.

However, gender differences are not the only divisions of this nature. They exist within a broader framework of socially constructed distinctions, including class, ethnicity, religion, and age. These intersecting factors contribute to the specific dynamics of gender differences within a particular time and place. Due to the interplay of gender with other social forces, as well as influences such as state policies, economic development, and global communication, gender systems are not rigid and unchanging. While gender systems may be shaped by ideological beliefs, enshrined in laws, supported by customs, and reinforced through socialisation and institutional structures, they are not impervious to modification, change, and resistance. Modern societies are too diverse for a single gender system to remain unchallenged. Economic imperatives and the increasing number of educated women who reject traditional roles can pose challenges to a strictly defined gender system, as seen in Iran with the growth of educated women who resist being confined to domestic roles.

Furthermore, there is an inherent contradiction in Iran's gender ideology. On one hand, it associates womanhood with family life, marriage, and childrearing, but on the other hand, it does not deny women access to education, employment opportunities, voting rights, and the ability to participate in parliament. In contemporary Iran, women can be found in educational institutions, workplaces, government offices, and even factories, while adhering to veiling practices. Although ideologies of gender difference and practices of gender inequality exist, they are subject to challenges posed by economic development and demographic changes, such as the increase in the educated female population. As universal schooling expands in Iran, the gender system will face further scrutiny and resistance.

For theorists who argue that women's economic dependence on men is the root cause of their disadvantaged and undervalued status, the restructuring of labour force opportunities and rewards is a crucial goal. Numerous studies have shown that women generally fare better in paid employment than in unpaid family roles and that women's economic empowerment is linked to their ability to participate in the workforce. However, unfair practices and biases persist, including lower wages for women even when accounting for training and job continuity, the devaluation of traditionally female-dominated work, and the prevalence of poor working conditions. Nevertheless, the long-term consequence of women's increased labour force participation is the gradual erosion of gender inequality and gender ideology, leading to heightened awareness and consciousness among women. Employment serves as a prerequisite for women's empowerment.

The census data discussed in this chapter regarding women in contemporary Iran indicate that, despite limitations and restrictions, there are opportunities for women's advancement. Nonetheless, there is room for improvement within the confines of the Islamic system as it has developed in Iran.

References

Binti Ahmad, Siti Nuraishah. (2022). ” The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures”, 3L The Southeast Asian Journal of English Language Studies, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia

Khan, Maria & Ulrike Wagner. (2022). “Religious Experience, Storytelling, and Ethical Action in Muhammad Iqbal’s Javid Nama and Gotthold Ephraim Lessing’s Nathan”, Literature and Theology, frac020, https://doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frac020

The Holy Qur’an.